Diamond Trust Bank of Kenya Limited (DTK.ke) listed on the Nairobi Securities Exchange under the Banking sector has released it’s 2013 interim results for the third quarter.For more information about Diamond Trust Bank of Kenya Limited (DTK.ke) reports, abridged reports, interim earnings results and earnings presentations, visit the Diamond Trust Bank of Kenya Limited (DTK.ke) company page on AfricanFinancials.Document: Diamond Trust Bank of Kenya Limited (DTK.ke) 2013 interim results for the third quarter.Company ProfileDiamond Trust Bank of Kenya Limited is a financial services and insurance group providing products and services to clients in Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda and Burundi. The company offers a diverse range of products for transactional banking as well as a full service offering for mortgages, asset financing and an insurance premium finance facility. Its treasury services include spot and forward foreign exchange transactions, cross currency swaps and deals, fixed income securities, corporate bonds, fixed income securities, structured treasury products and money market products. Its trade finance services include letters of credit, documentary and clean collections, negotiation of export bills, suppliers credit financing and bank guarantees. Formerly known as Diamond Trust of Kenya, the company changed its name to Diamond Trust Bank Kenya Limited in 1997. Its head office is based in Nairobi, Kenya. Diamond Trust Bank of Kenya Limited is listed on the Nairobi Securities Exchange read more
Assistant/Associate Rector Morristown, NJ By Kelsey Schuster and Emilia AllenPosted Oct 30, 2019 New Berrigan Book With Episcopal Roots Cascade Books Curate Diocese of Nebraska This Summer’s Anti-Racism Training Online Course (Diocese of New Jersey) June 18-July 16 Canon for Family Ministry Jackson, MS Join the Episcopal Diocese of Texas in Celebrating the Pauli Murray Feast Online Worship Service June 27 Featured Jobs & Calls Remember Holy Land Christians on Jerusalem Sunday, June 20 American Friends of the Episcopal Diocese of Jerusalem Inaugural Diocesan Feast Day Celebrating Juneteenth San Francisco, CA (and livestream) June 19 @ 2 p.m. PT Family Ministry Coordinator Baton Rouge, LA Tags Rector Smithfield, NC An Evening with Presiding Bishop Curry and Iconographer Kelly Latimore Episcopal Migration Ministries via Zoom June 23 @ 6 p.m. ET In-person Retreat: Thanksgiving Trinity Retreat Center (West Cornwall, CT) Nov. 24-28 Submit an Event Listing AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to PrintFriendlyPrintFriendlyShare to FacebookFacebookShare to TwitterTwitterShare to EmailEmailShare to MoreAddThis Episcopal Charities of the Diocese of New York Hires Reverend Kevin W. VanHook, II as Executive Director Episcopal Charities of the Diocese of New York Curate (Associate & Priest-in-Charge) Traverse City, MI Submit a Press Release The Church Pension Fund Invests $20 Million in Impact Investment Fund Designed to Preserve Workforce Housing Communities Nationwide Church Pension Group Virtual Celebration of the Jerusalem Princess Basma Center Zoom Conversation June 19 @ 12 p.m. ET Priest Associate or Director of Adult Ministries Greenville, SC Rector Collierville, TN Associate Rector for Family Ministries Anchorage, AK Press Release Service Youth Minister Lorton, VA Immigration An ecumenical group of worshippers celebrate the Eucharist Oct. 29 during a demonstration outside the Bishop Henry Whipple Federal Building in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Photo: Lauren Smythe[Episcopal Church in Minnesota] As the dawn sky turned pink over the Bishop Henry Whipple Federal Building in Minneapolis on Oct. 29, the faithful of Minnesota bundled up against the first frozen morning of the season to hold vigil, to protest, and to make their voices heard. Their demand: Evict ICE – U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement – from the federal building named for Minnesota’s first bishop, or remove his name from the building.“What is happening to immigrants in the Bishop Henry Whipple Federal Building is in direct opposition to the values, theology and policy of The Episcopal Church,” the Rev. Devon Anderson, rector at Trinity Episcopal Church in Excelsior, said during a press conference held outside the building. “To us, it is an intolerable irony to have the name of the first Episcopal bishop of Minnesota, an icon of human rights and compassion, on the front of this building in which so much injustice and cruelty occurs on a daily basis.”Nearly 300 participated in the gathering, which included a celebration of the Eucharist. Episcopal clergy and laypeople joined with members of the Minnesota Council of Churches and the Interfaith Coalition on Immigration in a busy parking lot between a high-traffic commuter rail line and the imposing federal building.Before worship began, Minnesota Bishop Brian N. Prior acknowledged and invoked the site’s proximity to Bdote, the “Eden” of the Dakota people, who consider it their most holy place. “The Whipple Building lies just a stone’s throw from where the Dakota believe all of creation began and where Bishop Whipple walked among a beloved Dakota community,” Prior said. “We denounce the oppression that took place against Dakota people then and the oppression that is being perpetuated against immigrants today.”About 300 people, including clergy and laypeople from the Episcopal Church in Minnesota, joined the vigil and demonstration Oct. 29 outside the Bishop Henry Whipple Building in Minneapolis, Minnesota, known as a five-state hub for federal immigration enforcement. Photo: Lauren SmytheOpponents of ICE’s enforcement operations in the region see the Whipple building as a microcosm of the Trump administration’s crackdown on immigration violations, which The Episcopal Church has criticized for upending lives, separating families and disrupting communities. Minnesota’s Twin Cities are known as a hub for federal immigration enforcement across five states – Minnesota, Wisconsin, Iowa, North Dakota and South Dakota – and at the center of that hub is the Whipple building, which houses an immigration court.“The activities that go on this building are a violation, not only of the spirit of this sacred land, but a violation of that name, Bishop Whipple, that stands on this building,” said the Rev. Jim Bear Jacobs, representing the Minnesota Council of Churches.Bishop Henry Whipple led The Episcopal Church in Minnesota from 1859 until his death in 1901. Photo: Minnesota Historical SocietyWhipple, consecrated as bishop in 1859, spent more than four decades establishing The Episcopal Church’s roots in the newly founded state while leading missionary work among the American Indian tribes of Minnesota. In 1862, he successfully lobbied President Abraham Lincoln to spare most of the 303 Dakota warriors who had been sentenced to death for an uprising that year.Whipple died in 1901, and the federal building in Minneapolis was named in his honor soon after its dedication in 1969.Now, 50 years later, immigrant detainees are brought to the Whipple building by van wearing orange jumpsuits and shackled at the wrists and ankles, said the Rev. Letha Wilson-Barnard, rector at Holy Apostles Episcopal Church in St. Paul. “These are our neighbors, our friends, our family, our co-workers, who themselves came here to seek a better life,” Wilson-Barnard said. “Many leave through this gate immediately to the airport for deportation, not even able to say goodbye to their families.”After the Eucharist was shared among the protesters, a coalition of clergy and others attempted to enter the sally port of the Whipple building, where detainees are held, in order to offer both detainees and officers a chance to receive the Eucharist.The group was immediately stopped by an officer pulling his vehicle across the drive, while informing them that if they kept walking, they would be arrested. For 15 minutes, the group asked to be allowed to see the detainees, to offer solace to those detained and to the guards, and were denied.“For us, you are our brother, and all the people in this building are our brothers and sisters,” the Rev. Lisa Wiens Heinsohn, rector of St. John’s Episcopal Church in Minneapolis, said to the officer. “That is why we are here.”At the conclusion of the Eucharist, the group moved to the front of the federal building for the press conference. In addition to calling for a change in name or use of the building, the group expressed support for legislation to make Minnesota a sanctuary state, meaning state agencies would be barred from devoting resources to federal immigration enforcement activities.The Rev. Shari Prestemon, conference minister of the United Church of Christ, concluded the event with an invitation: “My invitation to all of us today is to go further. … I am announcing this morning the creation of the Minnesota Sanctuary State Coalition. The first meeting of this new coalition will convene next month to begin this work to make Minnesota the 10th sanctuary state in the nation.” Episcopal Migration Ministries’ Virtual Prayer Vigil for World Refugee Day Facebook Live Prayer Vigil June 20 @ 7 p.m. ET Faith leaders protest immigration enforcement policies outside building named for Minnesota bishop Associate Rector Columbus, GA Associate Priest for Pastoral Care New York, NY Rector and Chaplain Eugene, OR Faith & Politics, Rector Tampa, FL Assistant/Associate Priest Scottsdale, AZ Rector Hopkinsville, KY Priest-in-Charge Lebanon, OH Rector Pittsburgh, PA Rector (FT or PT) Indian River, MI Missioner for Disaster Resilience Sacramento, CA Bishop Diocesan Springfield, IL Rector Albany, NY Rector Bath, NC Featured Events Director of Music Morristown, NJ Rector Knoxville, TN Course Director Jerusalem, Israel Cathedral Dean Boise, ID Rector Washington, DC Ya no son extranjeros: Un diálogo acerca de inmigración Una conversación de Zoom June 22 @ 7 p.m. ET Seminary of the Southwest announces appointment of two new full time faculty members Seminary of the Southwest Submit a Job Listing Rector Shreveport, LA Rector Martinsville, VA Rector Belleville, IL The Church Investment Group Commends the Taskforce on the Theology of Money on its report, The Theology of Money and Investing as Doing Theology Church Investment Group TryTank Experimental Lab and York St. John University of England Launch Survey to Study the Impact of Covid-19 on the Episcopal Church TryTank Experimental Lab Assistant/Associate Rector Washington, DC Director of Administration & Finance Atlanta, GA Rector/Priest in Charge (PT) Lisbon, ME read more
Apopka City Hall January 4, 2018 at 6:04 pm Decision Apopka 2018Seven now eligible for municipal elections in MarchThree more candidates qualified today to run for elected office in the Apopka municipal elections in March.Apopka Mayor Joe Kilsheimer and Seat #2 candidates Leroy Bell and Alice Nolan joined yesterday’s qualifiers Suzanne Kidd, Orange County Commissioner Bryan Nelson, Alexander Smith, and Seat #2 Apopka City Commissioner Diane Velazquez. Kilsheimer is being challenged by Nelson for Apopka Mayor. Bell and Nolan are taking on Velazquez for her City Commission Seat#2. Alicia Koutsoulieris has also filed to run for Seat #2 but has not yet qualified. And while Kilsheimer and Bell had previously made their intentions known by filing to run for elected office in Apopka, the Nolan filing came as a surprise. For more details, go here. According to Linda Goff, the City Clerk of Apopka, qualifying started Tuesday, January 2nd at noon and concludes Tuesday, January 9th at noon. There are specific forms that a candidate must file during qualifying. Those forms are on the City’s website under City Clerk, City Elections. There is also a qualifying fee, (3% filing fee and 1% election assessment based on mayor and city commissioner annual salaries). The Mayor’s qualifying fee is $6,000 and Commissioner is $540.Those who qualify by petition only pay the 1% (of the annual salary) election assessment.According to the City website election page, a candidate must obtain at least 1% of the total number of registered voters of this geographical area based on the preceding general election’s book closing. The City of Apopka’s total registered voters from the last election, as of book closing, was 27,389. To qualify by petition there would be a total of 274 signatures required.Kidd, Kilsheimer, and Nelson all qualified through the petition process. Kidd joins Gene Knight, Theresa Mott, and Smith in the race to replace six-term Commissioner Billie Dean, who announced his retirement from Seat #1 in May. Knight and Mott have yet to qualify.The Apopka city election will be held on March 13th, 2018. Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment. TAGSDecision Apopka 2018 Previous articleBreaking News: Alice Nolan files and qualifies to run for Apopka City Commission Seat #2 electionNext articleApopka’s biggest story of 2017: 11 finalists emerge Denise Connell RELATED ARTICLESMORE FROM AUTHOR Good for you Alice! I am surprised, since you had said you were not going to run, but it is nice to see you back in the game….good luck, best wishes. I know how hard you campaigned last time, and how much you enjoyed it, maybe this time, will be the charm for you! Free webinar for job seekers on best interview answers, hosted by Goodwill June 11 Support conservation and fish with NEW Florida specialty license plate 1 COMMENT Please enter your comment! The Anatomy of Fear Reply Please enter your name here LEAVE A REPLY Cancel reply Share on Facebook Tweet on Twitter Mama Mia You have entered an incorrect email address! Please enter your email address here read more
ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/629414/housing-building-in-mexico-city-vicente-alonso-ibarra Clipboard Save this picture!© Miguel de Guzmán+ 15 Share Housing Building in Mexico City / Vicente Alonso Ibarra CopyApartments, Apartment Interiors•Mexico City, Mexico 2015 Apartments Mexico ArchDaily Architects: Vicente Alonso Ibarra Year Completion year of this architecture project Housing Building in Mexico City / Vicente Alonso IbarraSave this projectSaveHousing Building in Mexico City / Vicente Alonso Ibarra ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/629414/housing-building-in-mexico-city-vicente-alonso-ibarra Clipboard CopyAbout this officeVicente Alonso IbarraOfficeFollowProductsWoodGlassConcrete#TagsProjectsBuilt ProjectsSelected ProjectsResidential ArchitectureHousingApartmentsInterior DesignResidential InteriorsApartment InteriorsCiudad de MéxicoInteriorsHousingResidentialMexicoPublished on May 12, 2015Cite: “Housing Building in Mexico City / Vicente Alonso Ibarra” [Edificio de vivienda en la Ciudad de México / Vicente Alonso Ibarra] 12 May 2015. ArchDaily. Accessed 11 Jun 2021.
Houses•Chiloé Province, Chile Year: Makuc House / Eugenio Ortúzar + Tania GebauerSave this projectSaveMakuc House / Eugenio Ortúzar + Tania Gebauer Year: Area: 180 m² Year Completion year of this architecture project “COPY” Houses Save this picture!Courtesy of Eugenio Ortúzar / Tania Gebauer+ 28 Share “COPY” Makuc House / Eugenio Ortúzar + Tania Gebauer Projects 2015 2015 Chile CopyHouses•Chiloé Province, Chile Architects: Ortuzar Gebauer Arquitectos Area Area of this architecture project Area: 180 m² Year Completion year of this architecture project ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/788313/makuc-house-eugenio-ortuzar-plus-tania-gebauer Clipboard ArchDaily Save this picture!Courtesy of Eugenio Ortúzar / Tania GebauerText description provided by the architects. This project is located in the north of the big island of Chiloé, in an area called Huei hue, where the sea penetrates the land as a stretchmark, weaving a close relationship between land and sea. Save this picture!Courtesy of Eugenio Ortúzar / Tania GebauerRecommended ProductsEnclosures / Double Skin FacadesAlucoilStructural Honeycomb Panels – LarcoreEnclosures / Double Skin FacadesRodecaRound Facade at Omnisport Arena ApeldoornWoodEGGERLaminatesEnclosures / Double Skin FacadesFranken-SchotterFacade System – LINEAThe terrain is located in a sort of a peninsula from where it strategically dominates the relations with its surroundings: on the one hand, the inland entries of the sea that come from this arm, and on the other hand the immeasurable Gulf of Ancud, having as its backdrop the detachment of the Andes and its volcanoes, generously receiving the light from the east, north and west, and thus exposing itself incidentally to the strong winds and rain coming from the northwest. Save this picture!Courtesy of Eugenio Ortúzar / Tania GebauerThese natural conditions combined with a specific assignment for a joined but dispersed single family housing, suggest that the project has the capacity to consider its different uses constantly. An elderly couple with grown children, grandchildren, and friends, where all need their space and where the house is not always used simultaneously. The house must adapt as much as to two people and fifteen people alike, always practical and comfortable in its different functions. Save this picture!Ground FloorSave this picture!SectionSave this picture!2nd Floor PlanThus, the proposal arises with a strong image of the Chilotes rural settlements, of clustering, of summation of volumes, where they are deployed in different orientations, taking advantage of the views, topography and sheltering each other from wind and rain. Save this picture!Courtesy of Eugenio Ortúzar / Tania GebauerIn this way, a greater volume arises, the main house, which organizes roofs, terraces and two attached volumes, joined by a large terrace. These volumes emplaced each guest’s and children’s bedrooms with their own bathrooms by way of another independent houses, which is enabled only when used. That way the house is inhabited by openings and enclosures, like floodgates, which open depending on the number of members, accommodating itself to the needs and requirements in their specific times.Save this picture!Courtesy of Eugenio Ortúzar / Tania GebauerProject gallerySee allShow lessDS+R Reveals Design for the University of Chicago’s Rubenstein ForumUnbuilt ProjectWith Recent Innovations, Where Will Elevators Take Us Next?Articles Share ShareFacebookTwitterPinterestWhatsappMailOrhttps://www.archdaily.com/788313/makuc-house-eugenio-ortuzar-plus-tania-gebauer Clipboard Architects: Ortuzar Gebauer Arquitectos Area Area of this architecture project CopyAbout this officeOrtuzar Gebauer ArquitectosOfficeFollowProductWood#TagsProjectsBuilt ProjectsSelected ProjectsResidential ArchitectureHousesChiloé ProvinceChilePublished on May 27, 2016Cite: “Makuc House / Eugenio Ortúzar + Tania Gebauer” 27 May 2016. ArchDaily. Accessed 11 Jun 2021.
Actor Martin Clunes has become a Patron for HFT, a national charity which provides support for people with learning disabilities, after hearing about the charity’s work when filming the first series of the ITV comedy drama “Doc Martin” in Port Isaac.Previously known as The Home Farm Trust, HFT was established as a charitable Trust in 1962 by parents of people with learning disabilities to help provide residential care facilities for their children.Clunes got involved with the charity after talking with a couple holidaying near the film shoot. “They told me that this was their first holiday alone together in over thirty years as their son had severe learning disabilities”, he explained. “They explained about the work of HFT and as with so many of these things I hadn’t even considered that there was such a need, let alone a charity that could meet it. Advertisement AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to TwitterTwitterShare to FacebookFacebookShare to LinkedInLinkedInShare to EmailEmailShare to WhatsAppWhatsAppShare to MessengerMessengerShare to MoreAddThis2 “When I was asked to read at a fundraising carol concert at Truro Cathedral last Christmas in aid of HFT I was delighted to do so and when HFT asked me if I’d consider becoming a Patron, I didn’t hesitate.”In this case it was not a fundraiser who secured a new patron but a client or beneficiary of the charity.The charity’s principal Patron is HRH, The Princess Royal. Martin Clunes joins other current Patrons of HFT including Floella Benjamin OBE, Ronnie Corbett OBE, Dame Judi Dench, Sir David Frost, Maureen Lipman OBE, Griff Rhys Jones, The Lord Rix CBE DL, Dr Oliver Russell and Dr Philippa Russell CBE. Martin Clunes becomes a patron of learning disabilities charity 124 total views, 2 views today AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to TwitterTwitterShare to FacebookFacebookShare to LinkedInLinkedInShare to EmailEmailShare to WhatsAppWhatsAppShare to MessengerMessengerShare to MoreAddThis2 About Howard Lake Howard Lake is a digital fundraising entrepreneur. Publisher of UK Fundraising, the world’s first web resource for professional fundraisers, since 1994. Trainer and consultant in digital fundraising. Founder of Fundraising Camp and co-founder of GoodJobs.org.uk. Researching massive growth in giving. Tagged with: Recruitment / people Volunteering Howard Lake | 8 March 2006 | News read more
About Howard Lake Howard Lake is a digital fundraising entrepreneur. Publisher of UK Fundraising, the world’s first web resource for professional fundraisers, since 1994. Trainer and consultant in digital fundraising. Founder of Fundraising Camp and co-founder of GoodJobs.org.uk. Researching massive growth in giving. How to Manage an Effective Nonprofit Organization: From Writing and Managing Grants to Fundraising, Board Development, and 29 total views, 2 views today AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to TwitterTwitterShare to FacebookFacebookShare to LinkedInLinkedInShare to EmailEmailShare to WhatsAppWhatsAppShare to MessengerMessengerShare to MoreAddThis Howard Lake | 26 October 2007 | News AddThis Sharing ButtonsShare to TwitterTwitterShare to FacebookFacebookShare to LinkedInLinkedInShare to EmailEmailShare to WhatsAppWhatsAppShare to MessengerMessengerShare to MoreAddThis read more
FranceEurope – Central Asia Condemning abuses Violence Organisation FranceEurope – Central Asia Condemning abuses Violence 12 January 2019 – ToulouseAthina Juge, a freelance journalist working on assignment for the Dépêche du Midi newspaper, was surrounded, insulted and threatened with rape by “yellow vest” protesters while in a car bearing the paper’s name. The protesters tore off one of the car’s sidemirrors and kicked its bodywork. March 2, 2021 – Updated on March 4, 2021 Cases of violence against French reporters Help by sharing this information 5 January 2019 – RouenAfter insults and missiles were thrown at them during a “yellow vest” demonstration, three BFM TV journalists were roughed up by several of the protesters and were forced to flee with the help of their bodyguards, who sustained many blows. None of the journalists on this list found themselves fighting for their life after the attack, as Christian Lantenois is now, but several were badly injured. Of the 12 previous cases logged by RSF since 2018, only one occurred while the reporters were covering incidents in a low-income residential district, as Lantenois was. Nine of them occurred during gilet jaunes (“yellow vest”) protests. RSF has not included cases of police violence in this list*.15 November 2020 – ToulouseDuring a demonstration by Catholics demanding the reopening of churches for mass, a demonstrator punched Libération photographer Ulrich Lebeuf in the face. 18 January 2019 – Longeville-lès-Saint-AvoldRépublicain Lorrain reporter Alain Morvan was punched and kicked in the stomach by a member of a “yellow vest” demonstration who wanted to prevent Morvan from taking photos. “We’ll hold Ilham Aliyev personally responsible if anything happens to this blogger in France” RSF says Receive email alerts RSF denounces Total’s retaliation against Le Monde for Myanmar story News 5 December 2018 – BronTwo France 3 journalists were attacked by about 50 youths while covering a demonstration by secondary school students outside the Jean-Paul Sartre trade school in Bron, near Lyon. The reporters were punched and stoned, and their camera was broken. 12 January 2019 – ParisAn LCI team of journalists was targeted by “yellow vest” protesters during a demonstration and a woman reporter was thrown to the ground. 12 January 2019 – PauWhile doing a live report for C L’info Pau, a local digital media outlet, video reporter Franck Paillanave was physically attacked by a “yellow vest” protester, sustaining a leg injury. In the wake of a violent attack on 27 February in Reims, in northern France, against Christian Lantenois, a photographer with the L’Union-L’Ardennais regional newspaper, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has compiled a list of all the previous cases of violence against journalists in the past three years in France. Use the Digital Services Act to make democracy prevail over platform interests, RSF tells EU News News News June 2, 2021 Find out more © France 3 Bourgogne to go further 12 January 2019 – Rouen Two LCI journalists and their bodyguards were violently attacked during a “yellow vest” demonstration in Rouen. One of the bodyguards was badly kicked after falling to the ground and had to be hospitalized. 15 June 2020 – DijonDuring a fourth night of violence in the Dijon district of Grésilles, a France 3 TV crew was attacked and their vehicle was stoned by about 15 armed people. RSF_en June 4, 2021 Find out more Follow the news on France 7 December 2018 – WinglesSecondary school students threw acid at two journalists with the La Voix du Nord and l’Avenir de l’Artois newspapers when they arrived with the aim of covering their demonstration. 24 November 2018 – ToulouseJournalists with CNews and BFM TV filed a complaint claiming they had been the victims of “aggravated violence” and “attempted assault” before abandoning their attempts to cover a “yellow vest” march ending at the city’s Capitole Square.France is ranked 34th out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2020 World Press Freedom Index.* Numerous cases of police violence against journalists were also recorded by RSF over the same period. As a result, the organization has filed several complaints against the prefect of the Paris police, Didier Lallement, and against unidentified police officers for aggravated voluntary violence. 12 January 2019 – ToulonAfter being threatened while filming scuffles between “yellow vest” protesters and police, two AFP video reporters were chased by a dozen people, receiving blows to their backs and their camera. One of them was also kicked in the hip. May 10, 2021 Find out more read more
to go further Reports Help by sharing this information May 13, 2021 Find out more Paramilitary groups (AUC) 12 Among them, the FLIP plays a key part, that of carrying out a preliminary investigation to determine whether the journalist seeking assistance has been threatened for professional reasons. The security services, the national police or the DAS then evaluate the risks. On this basis, proposals are made to the journalist concerned to reinforce her/his security: from the granting of a mobile phone to contact the Committee in cases of emergency, to the payment of an air ticket to travel to the capital or leave the country. Investigation : “RSF Network”Régis Bourgeat, Reporters sans frontières,& Iván García, Instituto Prensa y Sociedad The authorities’ response: the Programme for the Protection of Journalists Introduction In a communiqué published on 9 November 2001, the paramilitary group AUC in Nariño province accused Germán Arcos, cameraman with Caracol Televisión, Oscar Torres, editor-in-chief of the daily Diario del Sur, Cristina Castro, correspondent for the tv station RCN, and Alfonso Pardo, former correspondent for the communist weekly Voz and peace adviser, of covering the conflict in “a dishonest way”. The armed group gave the four journalists 48 hours to stop working or run the risk of being “judged”. Three weeks earlier, guerrillas of the Marxist group FARC had accused the daily El Tiempo and the groups RCN and Caracol of being “enemies of the peace process” because they criticised the attitude of the armed group without discussing underlying problems in the country. According to the association Medios para la Paz, which proposes training seminars, it is also journalists’ practices and habits that put their lives in danger. Some of them fail to adhere to the simplest code of ethics in their relations with their sources, going so far as to spend their holidays with members of an armed group. “That is why the philosophy of Medios para la Paz is to consider professionalism as the first safety precaution”, explained Gloria Moreno, director of the organisation. She pointed out the responsibility of editorial staff who, eager to get a scoop, would make their reporters take ill-considered risks. She also cited the example of a correspondent of a TV news programme in Barrancabermeja who, after being dismissed, was offered a job again if she was the first person to find a trace of an aeroplane hijacked by the ELN. The journalist managed to do so, but after crossing through two towns in which the army and guerrilla were fighting. Although it is founded, criticism of the lack of professionalism among journalists or the irresponsible behaviour of certain media managers should not make us forget that the use of violence against the media is unjustifiable and unacceptable, especially since such self-criticism is more than likely to discourage the profession from taking action to protect and defend its members. ColombiaAmericas In a context that is as complex as it is hostile, journalists often opt for self-censorship. Without a strong organisation to defend press freedom and solidarity in the profession, they feel particularly vulnerable. The media rarely defend colleagues or monitor inquiries on murders of journalists. As one newspaper director commented, “the conflict has gone as far as editorial offices”. For example, some reporters covering the peace process with the guerrillas are, with doubtful humour, called “spokespersons of the guerrillas” by colleagues who have ties with military sources. This lack of mobilisation can only encourage those responsible for the violence. At present, only the Foundation for Press Freedom (FLIP – Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa) is exclusively devoted to defending press freedom. But most of its efforts go into a programme to protect journalists, the effectiveness of which depends on discretion. As a result, very few people know about the FLIP today. This Colombian press freedom association has nevertheless told RSF and IPYS representatives that it plans on stepping up its public denunciation of attacks on the press. Maria Teresa Ronderos, FLIP president, affirmed that their priority is “that those who threaten should know that it will cost them dearly”. The new declared enemies of press freedom Although the armed groups have always attacked the media, the situation has worsened. After the drug traffickers in the 1980s and ’90S, they seem to be the new declared enemies of the media. The war between the paramilitaries of the United Self-defence of Colombia (AUC, Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia) and the guerrillas of the FARC and the ELN (Ejército de Liberación Nacional, the National Liberation Army) is also an information war. “I cannot let journalists become a weapon at the service of one of the actors in the conflict”, explained AUC leader Carlos Castaño to justify the murders of journalists. Although this armed group is currently the most dangerous for journalists, the groups of Manuel Marulanda, leader of the FARC, and Nicolas Rodríguez Bautista, military commander of the ELN, have also indicated that journalists are “military targets”. If the journalist finds refuge in Bogota, s/he can receive a monthly grant of 850,000 pesos (435 euros / 385 dollars) for three months, exceptionally renewable for an equal period. The FLIP tries to form partnerships with embassies or organisations, with a view to facilitating departures abroad or settlement of journalists in Bogota. An agreement has been signed with an institute offering training in journalism, something which is particularly worthy of merit since some provincial journalists are self-taught. In coordination with the IPYS, a “home for journalists” (“Casa de refugio”) has been founded in Lima to accommodate those who are most threatened. This initiative, supported by several international press freedom organisations, is based on the principle that exile in a culturally and geographically close country can prove to be less difficult than expatriation to the US or Europe. Suspected of supporting “the other camp”, journalists are constantly caught in the crossfire between armed groups, none of which has renounced its power to sow terror. Apart from the AUC and FARC, in March 1999 the guerrilla of the ELN, the country’s third largest armed group (5,000 men), stated that “journalists and media that served as a channel for spreading the policies” of paramilitary groups were a “permanent military targets”. These targets included editorial staff, against whom seven bombings or attempted bomb attacks have been recorded since 1995. Two occurred in 2001: one attempt, for which the AUC claimed responsibility, was aimed at the Communist Party organ; another, thought to be by the ELN, destroyed the premises of Radio Caracol in Medellín. Since its creation the Programme for the Protection of Journalists has processed 70 requests for assistance. In 41 cases a risk evaluation was performed. A total of 19 journalists have received assistance, six of them to leave the country. The minister of the Interior judges the increase in the number of threatened journalists as “worrying”. Those who have benefited from the programme are essentially journalists in the provinces where armed groups, drug traffickers and corrupt authorities hold sway. Between March and October 2001 the committee recorded 28 threats against media and journalists. In the demilitarised zone of 42,000 squared kilometers granted to the FARC, the problem is different. Paradoxically, journalists who have worked in San Vincente del Caguan, the main town in the zone, have been threatened more by the AUC than by the FARC. The latter, responsible for the area, have shown relatively more consideration for press freedom within the territory. By contrast, several journalists who had gone to cover the peace process were suspected of playing into the guerrillas’ hands. At least three of them, threatened, were forced to leave the country: Martin Movilla and William Parra, of the channel Caracol Televisión, and Eduardo Luque Díaz, of RCN Radio. The former two were accused by anonymous callers of being “friends of the guerrillas”. The third was covering the entire Caqueta province. Hollman Felipe Morris also received threats following his reports for the channel RCN TV. In September 2000 he was also forced into exile after publishing articles in El Espectador on the peace process or violence by paramilitaries. Attacks against El Espectador journalists in 2000 and recent bombings of Voz and Radio Caracol show that violence by armed groups does not spare the media in cities. Two regions have sadly been distinguished in recent months for multiple attacks on press freedom: Nariño, on the border with Ecuador, and Caqueta. In the latter province the demilitarised zone around the provincial capital Florencia is a case apart that will be addressed in the section dedicated to impunity. Colombia – 22 to 30 October 2001 April 27, 2021 Find out more Conflict that exists even in editorial offices News In their relations with the media the guerrillas make no efforts to be as convincing. The only answer given by a second-in-command to questions by media correspondents sent to Putumayo to interview him in the presence of his armed group, was an official communiqué by his movement which he suggested the journalists copy. Locked in their own rhetoric, the guerrillas are wary of media owners “in the service of huge monopolies” and accuse the media of being “the main cause of Colombia’s problems”. A communiqué dated 18 October, in which the FARC accuse El Tiempo and the groups RCN and Caracol of being “enemies of the peace process”, also attests to this armed group’s impression of being ill-treated by the media. In February 2001 Nicolas Rodríguez Bautista, ELN leader, justified kidnappings of journalists by the discrimination of which he says his group is a victim in the media. Several observers questioned by the IPYS and RSF report that the national press does indeed more readily denounce violent acts committed by the guerrillas than by paramilitary groups. Although the FARC’s and ELN’s record as regards repression of press freedom is not as bad as that of the paramilitaries, it speaks for itself: three journalists killed since 1999 and six others threatened and thus forced into exile. In total, the FARC and ELN have kidnapped, sometimes for only a few hours, 56 journalists since 1998, most often for the purpose of forcing them to put out a press communiqué or to denounce violent acts by the army or paramilitaries. In the case of Henry Romero, kidnapped by the ELN in October 1999, the armed group wanted to judge this Reuters photographer for publishing photos on which guerrillas appeared unmasked. He was released after a week. Local authorities 5 The peace process embarked on by the government with the guerilla of the Colombian Armed Revolutionary Forces (FARC, Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia) has been accompanied by a radicalisation of the attitudes of the armed groups towards the media: first the paramilitaries, who wanted to be invited to the negotiation table, then the guerrillas, who accused the media of sabotaging the peace process through its coverage of the negotiations. November 22, 2001 – Updated on January 20, 2016 The press as a “military target” : armed groups against press freedom RSF begins research into mechanisms for protecting journalists in Latin America October 21, 2020 Find out more ColombiaAmericas Another problem is the participation of the police and the DAS in the programme. Although it is probably inevitable, it is likely to arouse suspicion in those who are threatened precisely by members of the police or army. The fact that the programme currently treats only a very small number of threatened journalists is also due to the fact that it was launched only last year and is still largely unknown to journalists. 2011-2020: A study of journalist murders in Latin America confirms the importance of strengthening protection policies “Be very careful about what you write because we read what you publish” Yet the situation in the provinces is certainly even more difficult, for three main reasons. Above all, journalists working for small media are more isolated. Second, armed groups have a much stronger presence and some regions are completely under their control. This is the case of the town Montería, in the north-western province Córdoba, an AUC stronghold, or the demilitarised zone granted to the FARC, in the southern province Caqueta. Lastly, armed groups are fighting for control of many regions such as Nariño in the south-west, César in the north-east, Magdalena in the north, Putumayo in the south, North-Santander in the north-east, and Arauca in the east. News After a mission of inquiry to the country from 22 to 30 October 2001, RSF and the Peruvian organisation IPYS, member of the RSF Network, published a report on the violations of press freedom committed by the Colombian armed groups. Currently, the most threatened journalists are those from Caqueta province who have been covering the peace process since it was launched. They have been branded by the AUC as “spokespersons of the guerrillas”. Maria Luisa Murillo, correspondent for El Tiempo, Luis Alfonso Altamar Gaitán, contributor to several media and director of his own television channel, and Efraín Jiménez, correspondent for RCN Radio and journalist for the station Ecos del Caguan, was unable to be present for an interview with RSF and IPYS representatives because the paramilitaries control all roads between San Vincente and Bogota. Since the existence of the demilitarised zone is being challenged, the three journalists would like to express their fears of seeing paramilitaries take over the territory. The murder on 10 October 2001 of “Lelo”, the appointed driver of international press correspondents who went to cover negotiations, was considered as a warning. His body was found with a bullet in his mouth, next to his burned out taxi. He was murdered by four presumed paramilitaries who had pretended to be journalists. Source : Interior ministry’s Programme for the Protection of Journalists Guerrillas (Farc, ELN) 2 AUTHORS OF THREATS NUMBER OF THREATS Follow the news on Colombia Source of threats against journalists who attended the Programme (March-October 2001) Organisation Security forces 3 Unknown 6 The programme has difficulties. Above all, it is limited by its budget which totals 300 million pesos (roughly 150,000 euros / 135,000 dollars), while the cost of so-called “heavy” protection (provision of an armoured car and two bodyguards) is estimated at 120 million pesos per year. The programme is therefore not able to offer journalists protection in their own town. When the threat is serious, the journalist is transferred to the regional capital or Bogota. Even for some of the organisations on the committee this solution is unsatisfactory. They consider that it amounts to “playing the game of the authors of the threats by ridding them of the journalist”, especially since journalists often prefer to keep a low profile and ask for their situation not to be made public. Such decisions are always respected by the committee, although they deprive it of means to pressurise the authors of the threats. Although the beneficiaries of the programme have to lay official charges against those who threaten them, they often do not follow it through for fear of reprisals or because they are convinced of the futility of carrying on. Paramilitaries: the main threat to press freedom Receive email alerts …end of part 1 A Reporters Without Borders (RSF – Reporters sans frontières) delegation and the Press and Society Institute (IPYS – Instituto Prensa y Sociedad) , two organisations which belong to the RSF Network , visited Colombia from 22 to 30 October to investigate journalists’ working conditions and the impunity enjoyed by the murderers of media professionals. This delegation met about 30 journalists, media owners or directors, and press freedom activists. It also met representatives of the government to discuss initiatives taken by the authorities, as well as President Andrés Pastrana to inform him of its comments. Within the demilitarised zone the FARC have committed no serious attack on press freedom. Two former correspondents in this region report that negotiations were the first opportunity for the media and the armed group, which had until then been underground, to get to know each other. Attacks on the media by guerrillas have mostly been verbal and directed against the important media or press owners. They regularly accuse them, as in the 18 October communiqué, of harming the negotiations through their coverage. While it seems that the armed group has never hesitated to formulate criticism or comments directly to journalists present on the scene, cases of threats or attacks have been rare. “I was able to write everything I wanted to on the FARC and even to denounce the massacre by this armed group of about twenty persons accused of being paramilitaries, without exposing myself to reprisals”, said a former correspondent. Yet another reporter told RSF that he had on occasion been a victim of acts of intimidation by the armed group. Many media professionals interviewed by RSF and IPYS agree that AUC violence has become the main obstacle to press freedom. In the past two years Carlos Castaño, a good communicator, has multiplied interviews with the national and international press. He is thus trying to convince public opinion that the massacres perpetrated by his men are justified by their objective: defending the middle classes against the guerrillas. In an interview with the French daily Le Monde in the spring of 2001, he readily admitted that the AUC had executed “two local journalists who were, in fact, guerrillas”. “I cannot let journalists become a weapon at the service of one of the actors in the conflict” he explained. A few days after publication of the article, a 250kg TNT bomb, placed outside the premises of the Bogota communist weekly Voz, was neutralised by the police. Shortly afterwards Carlos Castaño claimed responsibility for the bomb. Consult part 2 Journalists covering the conflict report that the security forces are sometimes just as intolerant as the armed groups towards the press. “And that one? Is he with us or with the others?”, asked an officer, referring to a journalist. The organisation Human Rights Watch has several times accused certain brigades of the army of collusion with paramilitary groups. Carlos Pulgarín, correspondent for El Tiempo in Monteria, was accused by a colonel of being a “guerrilla spokesperson” before being assaulted by presumed members of the AUC. The journalist had published news about losses suffered by that armed group during clashes. Apart from the army, the police and prison guards are also sometimes implicated. On 25 May 2000 Jineth Bedoya of El Espectador was kidnapped at the entrance of a Modelo prison in Bogota, right in front of the guards. A year and a half later, conclusions of the inquiry carried out by the National Prisons Institute (INPEC – Instituto nacional Penitenciario y Carcelario) have still not been made known. The journalist was released about ten hours later, after being hit, drugged and raped. A few days earlier she had published an article on murders committed in the prison by detainees belonging to the AUC. The testimonies gathered by IPYS and RSF show the intolerance of armed groups as regards information published. “Be careful about what you write because we read what you publish” a correspondent of one of the dailies was warned. Since 1 January 2001, 20 journalists have been declared to be “military targets” or accused of “supporting the guerrillas”. Confusion is sometimes such that journalists do not know who is threatening them. Armed groups sometimes deny having issued a communiqué even though it bears the emblem of their local front. On 29 May 2001, five journalists from Cali were listed as “military targets” in a communiqué signed by the “Farallones Front”, a local group of the AUC. “After verification, we established that in Valle province, there are media and journalists at the service of the guerrillas”, the communiqué stated. Authenticity of the document was denied by the leaders of the armed group contacted by the managing editors of the media concerned. Particularly dangerous regions Reports The examples of Nariño and Caqueta provinces show that in the areas in which these groups are fighting for control, or already have control, independent media are virtually non-existent. This situation is particularly tragic since drug traffickers, politicians, corrupt officials and members of the security forces hostile to the media all still attack journalists. Casualties are high: about 40 journalists have been killed in the past ten years, about 50 detained since 1999 and about 30 forced into exile. RSF_en In response to the insecurity faced by journalists, the government passed Decree N° 1592 on 10 August 2000 which instituted the Programme for the Protection of Journalists. This programme is run by the Committee for the Regulation and Evaluation of Risks, under the vice-minister of the interior. Representatives of the various state institutions, especially the police and Colombian security police (DAS – Departamento administrativo de seguridad), sit on this committee along with a representative of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees and of press organisations. Since 1999, 27 journalists have taken these threats seriously enough to opt for exile. Half of them attribute the threats to paramilitaries. “The Self-defence paramilitaries carry out their threats more easily”, explained a press reporter. Of the 14 cases of journalists murdered for professional reasons since 1999, eight can be imputed to this armed group. One of the most well-known cases of exile is Ignacio Gómez. Between February and May 2000, this El Espectador journalist received no less than 56 threatening letters. In an article he revealed that a massacre of 49 peasants was committed by paramilitaries with the support of members of the army. After escaping kidnapping in the streets of Bogotá on 24 May, he took refuge in the USA on 1 June 2000. He returned to his country a year later. Three other media professionals have also returned and others regularly travel between their host country and Colombia. Unlike dictatorships which persecute opponents and can force them into exile for many years, the situation in Colombia does not prevent journalists from going back to their country occasionally for the threat doesn’t come from the government. The Navy, present in the region, is accused of covering up this violence. Journalists who try to carry out investigations are threatened. A member of the military films new arrivals at the airport as they arrive. The press in Pasto, the provincial capital, has not been spared. On 19 April two grenades thrown at the premises of the weekly El Otro destroyed part of its equipment. The director of the publication, Ricardo Romero, said that neither he nor journalists at the weekly had received threats. He considers, however, that the attack is related to denunciations published in the weekly. Shortly afterwards, Ricardo Romero, former member of the guerrilla group M19 (Movement of 19 April) and four El Otro journalists, were forced into hiding. According to two Pasto journalists, this attack is also part of a systematic policy to gag the independent media. Publication on 9 November of a communiqué by the local front of the AUC, threatening to attack four journalists accused of “dishonest” coverage, is the last recorded attack on press freedom. RSF, IFEX-ALC and Media Defence, support FLIP and journalist Diana Díaz against state harassment in Colombia Situated on the border with Ecuador, Nariño with its large Pacific coastline is strategically situated for drugs and arms trafficking. Paramilitary and guerrilla groups and drug traffickers are all fighting for control of this province and, in particular, its harbour Tumaco. In September 2000 the paramilitaries arrived in the harbour town which they then undertook to “clean up”. An article in El Espectador reported that after murdering delinquents and beggars, the paramilitaries turned on labour leaders and independent voices. Carlos Lozano, director of the weekly Voz and member of the Communist Party, revealed that left-wing leaders in the region had received threats. A number of them left the region in early 2001. On 27 April Flavio Bedoya, Voz correspondent in Tumaco, was killed after publishing an article denouncing violent acts by this armed group. He had also received threats. He had also been working for a local publication El Faro, in which he denounced corruption. The manager of this publication was also forced to leave the region. A radio programme “La Caja de Pandora”, known for its independent tone, was taken off the air. In eight months 39 political murders have been committed in the town. read more
Facebook Print Advertisement Linkedin NewsBreaking newsMan to appear in court charged with Limerick armed robberyBy Staff Reporter – March 10, 2017 888 Twitter WhatsApp The man will appear before Limerick District CourtA MAN is to appear before Limerick District Court this Friday morning charged in connection with an armed robbery in the city centre where a sum of cash was stolen.The man in his 30s was arrested following a robbery on Thomas Street on Thursday morning.Gardai say that at approximately 11am, uniformed Gardaí were alerted to a robbery which had taken place in the city centre.Sign up for the weekly Limerick Post newsletter Sign Up A lone raider entered a shop armed with a large knife; he threatened the female shop assistant before demanded cash.The raider then left the shop with an undisclosed amount of cash.In a follow up search Gardaí arrested a man in his 30s.He was detained at Henry St Garda Station under the provisions of Section 4 – Criminal Justice Act 1984 and is to appear before a judge this Friday. Email Previous articleA century of Limerick on screenNext articleWorld class food at Alfie’s Bar and Kitchen Staff Reporterhttp://www.limerickpost.ie read more
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